Proceso by J. JESÚS ESQUIVEL
Published December 2, 2012
WASHINGTON (Proceso).-- On September 18, 2012, Genaro Garcia Luna's words left Barack Obama's security cabinet stunned: the head of the federal Public Security Secretariat (SSP) apologized for the attack by federal police agents against employees of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
"I want to take this opportunity to apologize on behalf of the institution and personally for the events that took place at Tres Marias," reads the transcript of Garcia Luna's words, contained in State Department "classified documents" -- of which Proceso has a copy-- referring to the meeting of the High Level Consulting Group of the Merida Initiative behind closed doors last September 18th in Washington.
Addressing Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Attorney General Eric Holder and Janet Napolitano, Secretary of Homeland Security, Garcia Luna stated: "We will do everything to punish the persons responsible."
The State Department's classified documents -- in volumes 7 and 8, provided to Proceso by one of the secretaries present at the meeting -- give the impression that Garcia Luna and Felipe Calderon know who carried out the attack against the CIA agents and a captain of the Mexican marines, and why the attack was carried out.
"The President has instructed us to do our part and our conviction is to carry out an efficient task. The responsible persons will be punished, undoubtedly.
"The agency will do everything necessary to resolve this case and, of course, maintain effectiveness in our cooperation with you," emphasized Garcia Luna in the apology directed at all the members of the United States security cabinet.
The MexicoBlog of the CIP Americas Program monitors and analyzes international press on Mexico with a focus on the US-backed War on Drugs in Mexico and the struggle in Mexico to strengthen the rule of law, justice and protection of human rights. Relevant political developments in both countries are also covered.
Showing posts with label State Department. Show all posts
Showing posts with label State Department. Show all posts
Oct 30, 2009
Agreement to End Honduran Coup Marks Victory and Challenge
Last night, Oct. 29, Honduras' de facto regime finally agreed to allow Congress to vote to "restore full executive power prior to June 28". Conceding to international and national pressure, the Honduran coup appears to be facing its final days.
June 28 was the date when the Armed Forces kidnapped the elected president, Manuel Zelaya, and forcibly exiled him to Costa Rica. If the agreement brokered this week holds, the Honduran resistance movement will have turned the ugly precedent of a modern-day military coup d'etat into an example of the strength of nonviolent grassroots resistance.
The Victory
The points of the agreement are the same ones that the de facto regime has rejected since talks began in San Jose, Costa Rica. By last week, there was supposedly agreement on all points except the reinstatement of Zelaya.
Although the decision to restore Zelaya to power must receive a non-binding opinion from the Supreme Court and then be approved in Congress, it appears to be a done deal. Zelaya's team reportedly had the support of members from the UD Party, 20 members of the Liberal Party and more recently the support of the National Party to revoke the decree that was issued to justify his removal from office. That decree was originally accompanied by a forged letter of resignation that was immediately denounced.
President Zelaya expressed "satisfaction" at the agreement. Zelaya's negotiating team had agreed long before on the terms of the revised San Jose Accords, and negotiations were hung up on the coup's refusal to allow reinstatement of the president. The terms are:
Micheletti noted that "accepting this proposal represents a significant concession on the part of this government." In the last round of talks, he had insisted that the Supreme Court decide the question of reinstatement. He added, "But we understand that our people demand us to turn the page of our history in these difficult moments. For that reason, I have decided to support this new proposal to achieve a final accord as soon as possible."
Few people know what magic words were uttered to change the opinion of one of the most stubborn dictators in recent history. But they probably came out of Tom Shannon’s mouth.
For months, both sides have noted that the U.S. government is the only entity with the power to break the impasse, due to Honduran military and economic dependency on the United States. In a press conference held in Tegucigalpa shortly before the agreement, Shannon explicitly confirmed that the sticking point was "political will" (the coup's unwillingness to accept Zelaya's reinstatement) and that the U.S. government was there to induce that political will.
But from this observer's chair, negotiation and dialogue played a minor role in the seeming resolution. In the end, the mobilization of Honduran society sent a clear message that "normal" government would not be possible and even more widespread insurrection loomed unless a return to democracy reopened institutional paths. International pressures and sanctions played a far greater role in cornering the coup than the technical terms of an accord that is vague, difficult to implement and contentious. In this context, the challenges ahead are enormous.
The Challenges
If it weren't for the extraordinary levels of commitment, participation and awareness generated by the democratic crisis over the past four months, the challenges Honduran society now faces could easily be considered impossible for any democracy to face. They include:
1) Restore constitutional order, within the presidency, the new cabinet and state institutions
This is a mammoth task. Zelaya cannot just step back into the Presidential Palace and assume that society has returned to its pre-coup state. Under the terms of the agreement, he must form a new cabinet with the participation of coup supporters. Anger runs high and this will be a controversial and delicate undertaking. He must review the damage done to national coffers under the coup regime. He must reestablish a relationship with the Armed Forces and the other branches of government. Many institutions have undergone purges of personnel under the coup and must be reestablished and work to regain legitimacy.
2) Organize elections for Nov. 29 or a later agreed-upon date
If the original date is not changed, that leaves less than a month before nationwide elections. Imagine a nation moving from the complete breakdown of its democratic system and institutions, to campaigns, to elections in less than thirty days. Anti-coup candidates had pulled out, other campaigns had been met consistently with protests, and now the mere logistics of organizing elections raises serious issues.
The timeline is critical to the process. Zelaya told AFP that the timeline is under discussion today and pointed out a concern that has been growing among international organizations and the Honduran public: if reinstatement and the return to democratic order do not happen immediately, the elections scheduled for Nov. 29 will be in jeopardy. His return, he noted, "must be well before the elections to be able to validate them."
In fact, despite the breakthrough, the legitimacy of the elections is already in jeopardy. If the reinstatement process drags out, as the negotiations did, Hondurans worry they could find themselves in the middle of an electoral farce. Even if all goes smoothly, nothing will be easy or exactly "normal". The United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the European Union had all announced they would not send elections observers to coup-sponsored elections, also citing the logistical difficulties of putting together effective teams on such short notice. Now the OAS has indicated it will try to do so but logistics continue to be a problem. The European Union indicated it required six weeks to put together such an elections mission and could no longer consider it.
Honduran law provides for a three-month campaign period prior to the vote so would need to be modified to accommodate a Nov. 29 election. Even an immediate end to serious human rights violations—many of which are essential to free and fair elections, such as freedom of expression, freedom of press and freedom of assembly—will leave wounds and gaps. As the agreement was being hammered out, security forces attacked a peaceful march that had acquired all the permits required by the de facto government to legally demonstrate.
3) Continue moving toward a vote on holding a Constitutional Assembly
This demand is not going away, despite the agreement between Zelaya and Micheletti not to raise it until after Jan. 27. This point of the accords caused Juan Barahona, a leader of the National Front Against the Coup, to resign from the Zelaya negotiating team because it has become central to the movement not only to restore, but to expand Honduran democracy.
A Constitutional Assembly now appears more necessary than ever. It would serve to repair the contradictions in the current Constitution that coup-mongers exploited to rupture the democratic order, and channel the legitimate demands of organizations of peasants, indigenous peoples, urban poor, women, youth and others. Since the awakening of popular sectors in resistance to the coup, it is not possible to conceive of a free and stable society without proceeding with a Constitutional Assembly.
Rush to Define Positions
Zelaya was quick to point out that obstacles remain. "This is a first step to bringing about my reinstatement that will have to go through several stages. I'm moderately optimistic," he told AFP news service from the Brazilian Embassy, where he has been holed up since Sept. 21.
The reinstatement of President Zelaya will likely be voted on soon. Emails from the Honduran Internet groups that have formed a virtual community to debate and decry the military coup in their country, now demonstrate a range of feelings, from jubilation to open skepticism. Elections pose a huge challenge to anti-coup forces since a wide range of opinions play out within the diverse National Front Against the Coup.
Hondurans now move into the next phase of a long struggle to rebuild and broaden democracy. The challenge includes holding free and fair elections in the short term, but also includes critical issues of expanding democratic rights and participation beyond the elections and the system of representation. They must find ways to heal deep wounds and confront an economic and political crisis that is far from over.
If the coup finally falls and Zelaya is restored to power, Honduran society and the international community will score an historic victory. It must be remembered though, that the victory is a defensive one—it marks the successful rollback of anti-democratic forces in a small but determined nation.
Those forces will not desist—in Honduras or in other places where democracy is vulnerable and nefarious interests are strong. Until democracy in the fullest sense—participatory and dedicated to nonviolence—gains ground, the world could be stuck in long battles to defend against attacks instead of moving forward toward societies where this kind of offensive against the rule of law can no longer occur.
June 28 was the date when the Armed Forces kidnapped the elected president, Manuel Zelaya, and forcibly exiled him to Costa Rica. If the agreement brokered this week holds, the Honduran resistance movement will have turned the ugly precedent of a modern-day military coup d'etat into an example of the strength of nonviolent grassroots resistance.
The Victory
The points of the agreement are the same ones that the de facto regime has rejected since talks began in San Jose, Costa Rica. By last week, there was supposedly agreement on all points except the reinstatement of Zelaya.
Although the decision to restore Zelaya to power must receive a non-binding opinion from the Supreme Court and then be approved in Congress, it appears to be a done deal. Zelaya's team reportedly had the support of members from the UD Party, 20 members of the Liberal Party and more recently the support of the National Party to revoke the decree that was issued to justify his removal from office. That decree was originally accompanied by a forged letter of resignation that was immediately denounced.
President Zelaya expressed "satisfaction" at the agreement. Zelaya's negotiating team had agreed long before on the terms of the revised San Jose Accords, and negotiations were hung up on the coup's refusal to allow reinstatement of the president. The terms are:
- Creation of a government of national reconciliation that includes cabinet members from both sides
- Suspension of any possible vote on holding a Constitutional Assembly until after Jan. 27, when Zelaya's term ends
- A general amnesty for political crimes was rejected by both sides
- Command of the Armed Forces to be placed under the Electoral Tribunal during the month prior to the elections.
- Restitution of Zelaya to the presidency
- Creation of a Verification Commission to follow up on the accords, consisting of two members of the OAS, and one member each from the constitutional government and the coup regime
- Creation of a Truth Commission to begin work in 2010
- Revoke sanctions against Honduras following the accords
Micheletti noted that "accepting this proposal represents a significant concession on the part of this government." In the last round of talks, he had insisted that the Supreme Court decide the question of reinstatement. He added, "But we understand that our people demand us to turn the page of our history in these difficult moments. For that reason, I have decided to support this new proposal to achieve a final accord as soon as possible."
Few people know what magic words were uttered to change the opinion of one of the most stubborn dictators in recent history. But they probably came out of Tom Shannon’s mouth.
For months, both sides have noted that the U.S. government is the only entity with the power to break the impasse, due to Honduran military and economic dependency on the United States. In a press conference held in Tegucigalpa shortly before the agreement, Shannon explicitly confirmed that the sticking point was "political will" (the coup's unwillingness to accept Zelaya's reinstatement) and that the U.S. government was there to induce that political will.
"From our point of view, the deal’s on the table. This is not really a question of drafting or of shaping a paragraph. It’s really a question of political will. And that’s why it was so important, I think, for us to come to Honduras at this moment to make clear to all Hondurans that we believe the political will that is displayed and expressed by Honduras’s leaders should respect the democratic vocation of the Honduran people and the democratic aspirations of the Honduran people, and the desire of Honduras to return to a larger democratic community in the Americas... And that’s why we came, to underscore our interest in ensuring that the political will is there to do a deal."Shannon mentioned legitimizing the elections and future access to development funding from international financial institutions as carrots (or sticks) in the negotiations:
"...An agreement within the national dialogue opens a large space for members of the international community to assist Honduras in this election process, to observe the elections, and to have a process that is peaceful and which produces leadership that is widely recognized throughout the hemisphere as legitimate. This will be important as a way of creating a pathway for Honduras to reintegrate itself into the Inter-American community, to not – and not just the OAS, but also the Inter-American Development Bank and its other institutions, and to access development funding through the international financial institutions."It worked—at least in the formal stages, as the world now awaits implementation. The State Department was in a celebratory mood following the success of the high-level delegation consisting of Shannon, deputy Craig Kelly and the White House NSC representative for the Western Hemisphere, Dan Restrepo. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held a special press conference from Islamabad announcing the "breakthrough in negotiations" in Honduras:
"I want to congratulate the people of Honduras as well as President Zelaya and Mr. Micheletti for reaching an historic agreement. I also congratulate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias for the important role he has played in fashioning the San Jose process and the OAS for its role in facilitating the successful round of talks...Historians will chart the course of the little coup that couldn't.
I cannot think of another example of a country in Latin America that having suffered a rupture of its democratic and constitutional order overcame such a crisis through negotiation and dialogue.
This is a big step forward for the Inter-American system and its commitment to democracy as embodied in the Inter-American Democratic Charter. I'm very proud that I was part of the process, that the United States was instrumental in the process. But I'm mostly proud of the people of Honduras who have worked very hard to have this matter resolved peacefully."
But from this observer's chair, negotiation and dialogue played a minor role in the seeming resolution. In the end, the mobilization of Honduran society sent a clear message that "normal" government would not be possible and even more widespread insurrection loomed unless a return to democracy reopened institutional paths. International pressures and sanctions played a far greater role in cornering the coup than the technical terms of an accord that is vague, difficult to implement and contentious. In this context, the challenges ahead are enormous.
The Challenges
If it weren't for the extraordinary levels of commitment, participation and awareness generated by the democratic crisis over the past four months, the challenges Honduran society now faces could easily be considered impossible for any democracy to face. They include:
1) Restore constitutional order, within the presidency, the new cabinet and state institutions
This is a mammoth task. Zelaya cannot just step back into the Presidential Palace and assume that society has returned to its pre-coup state. Under the terms of the agreement, he must form a new cabinet with the participation of coup supporters. Anger runs high and this will be a controversial and delicate undertaking. He must review the damage done to national coffers under the coup regime. He must reestablish a relationship with the Armed Forces and the other branches of government. Many institutions have undergone purges of personnel under the coup and must be reestablished and work to regain legitimacy.
2) Organize elections for Nov. 29 or a later agreed-upon date
If the original date is not changed, that leaves less than a month before nationwide elections. Imagine a nation moving from the complete breakdown of its democratic system and institutions, to campaigns, to elections in less than thirty days. Anti-coup candidates had pulled out, other campaigns had been met consistently with protests, and now the mere logistics of organizing elections raises serious issues.
The timeline is critical to the process. Zelaya told AFP that the timeline is under discussion today and pointed out a concern that has been growing among international organizations and the Honduran public: if reinstatement and the return to democratic order do not happen immediately, the elections scheduled for Nov. 29 will be in jeopardy. His return, he noted, "must be well before the elections to be able to validate them."
In fact, despite the breakthrough, the legitimacy of the elections is already in jeopardy. If the reinstatement process drags out, as the negotiations did, Hondurans worry they could find themselves in the middle of an electoral farce. Even if all goes smoothly, nothing will be easy or exactly "normal". The United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the European Union had all announced they would not send elections observers to coup-sponsored elections, also citing the logistical difficulties of putting together effective teams on such short notice. Now the OAS has indicated it will try to do so but logistics continue to be a problem. The European Union indicated it required six weeks to put together such an elections mission and could no longer consider it.
Honduran law provides for a three-month campaign period prior to the vote so would need to be modified to accommodate a Nov. 29 election. Even an immediate end to serious human rights violations—many of which are essential to free and fair elections, such as freedom of expression, freedom of press and freedom of assembly—will leave wounds and gaps. As the agreement was being hammered out, security forces attacked a peaceful march that had acquired all the permits required by the de facto government to legally demonstrate.
3) Continue moving toward a vote on holding a Constitutional Assembly
This demand is not going away, despite the agreement between Zelaya and Micheletti not to raise it until after Jan. 27. This point of the accords caused Juan Barahona, a leader of the National Front Against the Coup, to resign from the Zelaya negotiating team because it has become central to the movement not only to restore, but to expand Honduran democracy.
A Constitutional Assembly now appears more necessary than ever. It would serve to repair the contradictions in the current Constitution that coup-mongers exploited to rupture the democratic order, and channel the legitimate demands of organizations of peasants, indigenous peoples, urban poor, women, youth and others. Since the awakening of popular sectors in resistance to the coup, it is not possible to conceive of a free and stable society without proceeding with a Constitutional Assembly.
Rush to Define Positions
Zelaya was quick to point out that obstacles remain. "This is a first step to bringing about my reinstatement that will have to go through several stages. I'm moderately optimistic," he told AFP news service from the Brazilian Embassy, where he has been holed up since Sept. 21.
The reinstatement of President Zelaya will likely be voted on soon. Emails from the Honduran Internet groups that have formed a virtual community to debate and decry the military coup in their country, now demonstrate a range of feelings, from jubilation to open skepticism. Elections pose a huge challenge to anti-coup forces since a wide range of opinions play out within the diverse National Front Against the Coup.
Hondurans now move into the next phase of a long struggle to rebuild and broaden democracy. The challenge includes holding free and fair elections in the short term, but also includes critical issues of expanding democratic rights and participation beyond the elections and the system of representation. They must find ways to heal deep wounds and confront an economic and political crisis that is far from over.
If the coup finally falls and Zelaya is restored to power, Honduran society and the international community will score an historic victory. It must be remembered though, that the victory is a defensive one—it marks the successful rollback of anti-democratic forces in a small but determined nation.
Those forces will not desist—in Honduras or in other places where democracy is vulnerable and nefarious interests are strong. Until democracy in the fullest sense—participatory and dedicated to nonviolence—gains ground, the world could be stuck in long battles to defend against attacks instead of moving forward toward societies where this kind of offensive against the rule of law can no longer occur.
Jul 4, 2009
High Noon in Honduras
Both sides are preparing for high noon in Honduras this weekend, as President Manuel Zelaya plans to return to his country and coup leaders vow to arrest him immediately if he does.
Zelaya was abducted by hooded members of the armed forces on June 28 and flown to Costa Rica. The coup established itself in power, anointed by a National Congress at odds with the president.
Since then, the drama moved from this small, impoverished country to the international stage. Zelaya traveled to Managua to attend a meeting of the Central American Integration System, where he picked up formal statements of support from Central American nations, the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA), the Group of Rio, and the whole alphabet soup of integration groups in the region.
From there, the newly famous president flew to New York for an appearance before the General Assembly of the United Nations, which also called for his immediate reinstatement. Zelaya met again with the Organization of American States (OAS) on July 1, which issued an ultimatum to the coup leaders to restore him to power in 72 hours or face suspension from the 34-nation bloc.
Zelaya had planned a return to his country for July 2, but postponed his return to allow the period to pass as international diplomacy went into overdrive. "The OAS has called for 72 hours and we agree with this decision," Zelaya stated. That places his return date for this weekend. Zelaya has refused to give details on the exact date or how he will return, saying he does not want to tip off armed forces leading the coup.
Meanwhile, self-styled "president" Roberto Micheletti has stated to the press that Zelaya "will never return" and refused to negotiate reinstatement. The coup issued arrest orders against Zelaya on 18 charges that include betrayal of the country and failure to fulfill his duties.
The Honduran crisis came to a head over a nationwide non-binding referendum called by President Zelaya to determine if citizens should vote in November elections on calling a Constitutional Assembly to remake the country's magna carta. The courts and the Congress ruled the poll illegal and when the president proceeded to carry out the vote, the armed forces moved in to take control.
All Sides Dig In
Supporters of the coup, opposition forces and the international community have all been busily working to consolidate their ranks over the past few days. On July 2, social organizations of workers, farmers, and citizens held a massive march through Tegucigalpa, where they delivered a message of gratitude for support for democracy at the offices of the United Nations.
Henry Alegria, interviewed by phone amid shouting demonstrators, affirmed that despite arrest orders, movement leaders are still safe and the ranks of the opposition are growing. Although the army has blocked pro-Zelaya groups from traveling to the capital in some places, so far there has been little bloodshed. Alegria noted, "They are using other kinds of tactics, like the curfew and accusing anti-coup leaders of crimes."
The coup declared a "state of exception," the equivalent to a state of siege, on July 1, suspending basic civil liberties including freedom of assembly, freedom of transit, due process, and justifying search and seizure without a warrant. The press has been placed under tight controls, with some media—including international media—shut down completely at times.
Honduran human rights leader, Bertha Oliva, stated, "With the suspension of these articles, they officially make us all vulnerable and justify their actions against basic human rights." Oliva called for urgent support from the international community.
Coup supporters have also rallied forces to protest the return of Zelaya and press for recognition of the coup government. They have held parallel rallies in Tegucigalpa, claiming that Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez is the force behind Zelaya, and asserting that the international community's position is due to ignorance of the situation.
Video images of the dueling demonstrations show the sharp split in the country. Honduras is the 16th most unequal nation in the world, with the top 10% of the population receiving 42% of income and the bottom 10% controlling only 1.2%. This situation feeds a steady stream of migrants to the United States, and many families now live off money sent home from relatives working there.
Zelaya draws his support among the poor primarily. Elected as a center-right politician from a wealthy ranching family, Zelaya moved to the left over the course of his four-year term. He especially galled business leaders by raising the minimum wage last December from $157 to $289 dollars a month, except in free trade zones. The UN notes that 44% of the population lives on less than two dollars a day. Unions and campesino organizations belonging to Via Campesina stand strongly behind the president.
On the other side are business leaders, media owners, and politicians. These forces claim that the return of Zelaya with the help of the international community would constitute an unacceptable "foreign invasion," and that the president was aiming to extend the term limit through the poll planned for the 28th.
The armed forces have played a powerful but discreet role since overthrowing the government. As in any military coup, their actions will largely define how events play out. So far, the top officers have formed a tight command with the civilian coup leaders. When Michelletti appeared before a pro-coup crowd, uniformed military officers stood firmly but silently in the background.
Via Campesina leader in Honduras, Rafael Alegria, said in an interview with the Americas Program that the army has blocked protesters from traveling to Tegucigalpa and other points. He added that the military could be preparing for war. "They are recruiting young people, ages 12-30, for military service. We don't know what the purpose is, but they are inciting people saying there could be a war. They are also calling out reservists and persons retired from the armed forces."
Intense Diplomatic Activity
The military coup in Honduras has all the sinister markings of the Cold War overthrows by dictators that characterized Latin America in the past. The president was kidnapped in the wee hours of the morning, wearing only his pajamas, and army forces occupied the streets of the small, impoverished nation.
But the world has changed since those times. The international community united across ideological lines in its condemnation, with the United States government joining the call for reinstatement of the left-leaning president.
President Obama called it a "terrible precedent" and the State Department has worked within the OAS to pressure the coup to back down and restore the rule of law.
The postponement of Zelaya's return offers yet another possible diplomatic solution to what could turn into a violent confrontation. The OAS text condemned the coup, recognized Zelaya as the president, and called for the Secretary General to seek diplomatic solutions. Its resolution states, "Should these prove unsuccessful within 72 hours, the Special General Assembly shall forthwith invoke Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to suspend Honduras' membership."
The UN resolution deplores the interruption of "the democratic and constitutional order and the legitimate exercise of power in Honduras." The text demands "the immediate and unconditional restoration of the legitimate and Constitutional Government of the President of the Republic, Mr. José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and of the legally established authority in Honduras."
International response has also included diplomatic and economic sanctions. The European Union and virtually all Latin American countries are withdrawing their ambassadors immediately.
Central American countries closed their borders to land trade with Honduras for 48 hours and the Central American Bank has suspended loans. Robert Zoellick, head of the World Bank, announced that the Bank will "pause" lending to Honduras under the coup. The Bank had a reported $270 million in the pipeline to Honduras and is a major source of lending for the country.
U.S. Response
The Obama administration has firmly supported OAS efforts to condemn the coup and reinstate Zelaya. The coup is the first real diplomatic crisis to confront the new administration, and although Honduras is a small (7.3 million pop.) and economically weak country that plays a very minor role in U.S. geopolitical strategy, the issues at stake make it a test case for a new foreign policy.
The response from Obama, and a generally on-message State Department, has already shown some major shifts from the foreign policy of his predecessor.
First, the administration broke with the ideologically defined criteria of democracy established by the Bush government. Zelaya's ties with Venezuela—its membership in the nine-nation ALBA—made it suspect to the Bush administration and many members still part of the U.S. diplomatic corps. By condemning the coup against Zelaya, the administration placed democratic principles above the ideological split created by the Bush administration between Latin American nations bound to alliances.
Second, the United States government has committed to working within multilateral organizations, especially the OAS, to resolve the crisis. Since before the abduction of the president, when rumors of a coup circulated and Honduran armed forces were deployed, the United States joined with other countries of the hemisphere to prevent the coup and later condemn it. Since then, it has allowed the OAS under Sec. General Jose Insulza to take the lead.
As the OAS deadline approaches, the U.S. government could do more. Among the following measures some are subject to delicate considerations of timing, since Honduras faces a very volatile situation in the next few days and avoiding massive violence and even war must be a top priority in arranging Zelaya's return.
The United States government should withdraw its ambassador from Tegucigalpa immediately. In Honduras today, there is no valid counterpart with which to engage in diplomatic dialogue. Latin American and European nations have already withdrawn their ambassadors. The continued presence of the U.S. ambassador could create a doubt about whether the United States is truly committed to isolating the Honduran coup diplomatically. With all eyes on the United States, that doubt could be interpreted as a crack in the door at a time when it is important to leave the coup no room to believe it can consolidate its illegitimate power.
The message must be crystal clear: There is no possibility of diplomatic engagement with a military coup.
The United States must support immediate suspension of Honduras from the OAS at the end of the 72-hour period if the coup is still in power. There have been some reports that a debate exists in the OAS over whether the suspension is automatic at the end of the deadline or requires a new meeting. The U.S. representatives in the OAS should support immediate suspension of Honduras if this period runs out with the coup still in power. Any waffling on a key diplomatic ultimatum would be a sign of weakness that could be interpreted as a lack of commitment to the rule of law in Honduras. It would also indicate a fracture in the OAS, which to date has acted swiftly and in a remarkably unified manner.
The United States must apply economic sanctions. Under Section 7008 of the Foreign Operations Bill, all U.S. assistance must be cut off in the case of a military coup. While Sec. of State Clinton has called the Honduran coup a coup, the State Department says it is reviewing the legal definition before sending word to Congress to cut aid. At stake is up to $42 million in aid planned for the Central American country.
This is one that seems to be a question of timing. Some argue that the sanctions should be announced before the deadline runs out to pressure the coup to allow the safe return of President Zelaya to office. Others argue that by holding the sanctions card until later, the international community has more to bargain with in the case on non-compliance with the deadline.
In any case, the law is clear that sanctions must be applied.
The United States should do all in its power to assure the safe and peaceful return of the democratically elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Presumably, this is being done. There is no room for negotiation that does not include restoring Zelaya to power unconditionally. The logistics of safely getting him home will be complicated and require the creativity and commitment of all nations, especially the United States.
The United States must speak up for the protection of human rights and civil liberties. The State Department has been relatively silent on the state of siege, army repression of demonstrators, and threats against grassroots movement leaders in the country. It must speak out more strongly to protect these people and warn the coup against the further criminalization and repression of the opposition.
For More Information:
Honduran Rural Leader Rafael Alegria: "Some Battalions Are Refusing to Repress the Population"
Text of UN Resolution and Call for International Support from Popular Resistance Front of Honduras
Zelaya Postpones Return, Mass Mobilization in the Country
Zelaya was abducted by hooded members of the armed forces on June 28 and flown to Costa Rica. The coup established itself in power, anointed by a National Congress at odds with the president.
Since then, the drama moved from this small, impoverished country to the international stage. Zelaya traveled to Managua to attend a meeting of the Central American Integration System, where he picked up formal statements of support from Central American nations, the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA), the Group of Rio, and the whole alphabet soup of integration groups in the region.
From there, the newly famous president flew to New York for an appearance before the General Assembly of the United Nations, which also called for his immediate reinstatement. Zelaya met again with the Organization of American States (OAS) on July 1, which issued an ultimatum to the coup leaders to restore him to power in 72 hours or face suspension from the 34-nation bloc.
Zelaya had planned a return to his country for July 2, but postponed his return to allow the period to pass as international diplomacy went into overdrive. "The OAS has called for 72 hours and we agree with this decision," Zelaya stated. That places his return date for this weekend. Zelaya has refused to give details on the exact date or how he will return, saying he does not want to tip off armed forces leading the coup.
Meanwhile, self-styled "president" Roberto Micheletti has stated to the press that Zelaya "will never return" and refused to negotiate reinstatement. The coup issued arrest orders against Zelaya on 18 charges that include betrayal of the country and failure to fulfill his duties.
The Honduran crisis came to a head over a nationwide non-binding referendum called by President Zelaya to determine if citizens should vote in November elections on calling a Constitutional Assembly to remake the country's magna carta. The courts and the Congress ruled the poll illegal and when the president proceeded to carry out the vote, the armed forces moved in to take control.
All Sides Dig In
Supporters of the coup, opposition forces and the international community have all been busily working to consolidate their ranks over the past few days. On July 2, social organizations of workers, farmers, and citizens held a massive march through Tegucigalpa, where they delivered a message of gratitude for support for democracy at the offices of the United Nations.
Henry Alegria, interviewed by phone amid shouting demonstrators, affirmed that despite arrest orders, movement leaders are still safe and the ranks of the opposition are growing. Although the army has blocked pro-Zelaya groups from traveling to the capital in some places, so far there has been little bloodshed. Alegria noted, "They are using other kinds of tactics, like the curfew and accusing anti-coup leaders of crimes."
The coup declared a "state of exception," the equivalent to a state of siege, on July 1, suspending basic civil liberties including freedom of assembly, freedom of transit, due process, and justifying search and seizure without a warrant. The press has been placed under tight controls, with some media—including international media—shut down completely at times.
Honduran human rights leader, Bertha Oliva, stated, "With the suspension of these articles, they officially make us all vulnerable and justify their actions against basic human rights." Oliva called for urgent support from the international community.
Coup supporters have also rallied forces to protest the return of Zelaya and press for recognition of the coup government. They have held parallel rallies in Tegucigalpa, claiming that Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez is the force behind Zelaya, and asserting that the international community's position is due to ignorance of the situation.
Video images of the dueling demonstrations show the sharp split in the country. Honduras is the 16th most unequal nation in the world, with the top 10% of the population receiving 42% of income and the bottom 10% controlling only 1.2%. This situation feeds a steady stream of migrants to the United States, and many families now live off money sent home from relatives working there.
Zelaya draws his support among the poor primarily. Elected as a center-right politician from a wealthy ranching family, Zelaya moved to the left over the course of his four-year term. He especially galled business leaders by raising the minimum wage last December from $157 to $289 dollars a month, except in free trade zones. The UN notes that 44% of the population lives on less than two dollars a day. Unions and campesino organizations belonging to Via Campesina stand strongly behind the president.
On the other side are business leaders, media owners, and politicians. These forces claim that the return of Zelaya with the help of the international community would constitute an unacceptable "foreign invasion," and that the president was aiming to extend the term limit through the poll planned for the 28th.
The armed forces have played a powerful but discreet role since overthrowing the government. As in any military coup, their actions will largely define how events play out. So far, the top officers have formed a tight command with the civilian coup leaders. When Michelletti appeared before a pro-coup crowd, uniformed military officers stood firmly but silently in the background.
Via Campesina leader in Honduras, Rafael Alegria, said in an interview with the Americas Program that the army has blocked protesters from traveling to Tegucigalpa and other points. He added that the military could be preparing for war. "They are recruiting young people, ages 12-30, for military service. We don't know what the purpose is, but they are inciting people saying there could be a war. They are also calling out reservists and persons retired from the armed forces."
Intense Diplomatic Activity
The military coup in Honduras has all the sinister markings of the Cold War overthrows by dictators that characterized Latin America in the past. The president was kidnapped in the wee hours of the morning, wearing only his pajamas, and army forces occupied the streets of the small, impoverished nation.
But the world has changed since those times. The international community united across ideological lines in its condemnation, with the United States government joining the call for reinstatement of the left-leaning president.
President Obama called it a "terrible precedent" and the State Department has worked within the OAS to pressure the coup to back down and restore the rule of law.
The postponement of Zelaya's return offers yet another possible diplomatic solution to what could turn into a violent confrontation. The OAS text condemned the coup, recognized Zelaya as the president, and called for the Secretary General to seek diplomatic solutions. Its resolution states, "Should these prove unsuccessful within 72 hours, the Special General Assembly shall forthwith invoke Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to suspend Honduras' membership."
The UN resolution deplores the interruption of "the democratic and constitutional order and the legitimate exercise of power in Honduras." The text demands "the immediate and unconditional restoration of the legitimate and Constitutional Government of the President of the Republic, Mr. José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and of the legally established authority in Honduras."
International response has also included diplomatic and economic sanctions. The European Union and virtually all Latin American countries are withdrawing their ambassadors immediately.
Central American countries closed their borders to land trade with Honduras for 48 hours and the Central American Bank has suspended loans. Robert Zoellick, head of the World Bank, announced that the Bank will "pause" lending to Honduras under the coup. The Bank had a reported $270 million in the pipeline to Honduras and is a major source of lending for the country.
U.S. Response
The Obama administration has firmly supported OAS efforts to condemn the coup and reinstate Zelaya. The coup is the first real diplomatic crisis to confront the new administration, and although Honduras is a small (7.3 million pop.) and economically weak country that plays a very minor role in U.S. geopolitical strategy, the issues at stake make it a test case for a new foreign policy.
The response from Obama, and a generally on-message State Department, has already shown some major shifts from the foreign policy of his predecessor.
First, the administration broke with the ideologically defined criteria of democracy established by the Bush government. Zelaya's ties with Venezuela—its membership in the nine-nation ALBA—made it suspect to the Bush administration and many members still part of the U.S. diplomatic corps. By condemning the coup against Zelaya, the administration placed democratic principles above the ideological split created by the Bush administration between Latin American nations bound to alliances.
Second, the United States government has committed to working within multilateral organizations, especially the OAS, to resolve the crisis. Since before the abduction of the president, when rumors of a coup circulated and Honduran armed forces were deployed, the United States joined with other countries of the hemisphere to prevent the coup and later condemn it. Since then, it has allowed the OAS under Sec. General Jose Insulza to take the lead.
As the OAS deadline approaches, the U.S. government could do more. Among the following measures some are subject to delicate considerations of timing, since Honduras faces a very volatile situation in the next few days and avoiding massive violence and even war must be a top priority in arranging Zelaya's return.
The United States government should withdraw its ambassador from Tegucigalpa immediately. In Honduras today, there is no valid counterpart with which to engage in diplomatic dialogue. Latin American and European nations have already withdrawn their ambassadors. The continued presence of the U.S. ambassador could create a doubt about whether the United States is truly committed to isolating the Honduran coup diplomatically. With all eyes on the United States, that doubt could be interpreted as a crack in the door at a time when it is important to leave the coup no room to believe it can consolidate its illegitimate power.
The message must be crystal clear: There is no possibility of diplomatic engagement with a military coup.
The United States must support immediate suspension of Honduras from the OAS at the end of the 72-hour period if the coup is still in power. There have been some reports that a debate exists in the OAS over whether the suspension is automatic at the end of the deadline or requires a new meeting. The U.S. representatives in the OAS should support immediate suspension of Honduras if this period runs out with the coup still in power. Any waffling on a key diplomatic ultimatum would be a sign of weakness that could be interpreted as a lack of commitment to the rule of law in Honduras. It would also indicate a fracture in the OAS, which to date has acted swiftly and in a remarkably unified manner.
The United States must apply economic sanctions. Under Section 7008 of the Foreign Operations Bill, all U.S. assistance must be cut off in the case of a military coup. While Sec. of State Clinton has called the Honduran coup a coup, the State Department says it is reviewing the legal definition before sending word to Congress to cut aid. At stake is up to $42 million in aid planned for the Central American country.
This is one that seems to be a question of timing. Some argue that the sanctions should be announced before the deadline runs out to pressure the coup to allow the safe return of President Zelaya to office. Others argue that by holding the sanctions card until later, the international community has more to bargain with in the case on non-compliance with the deadline.
In any case, the law is clear that sanctions must be applied.
The United States should do all in its power to assure the safe and peaceful return of the democratically elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Presumably, this is being done. There is no room for negotiation that does not include restoring Zelaya to power unconditionally. The logistics of safely getting him home will be complicated and require the creativity and commitment of all nations, especially the United States.
The United States must speak up for the protection of human rights and civil liberties. The State Department has been relatively silent on the state of siege, army repression of demonstrators, and threats against grassroots movement leaders in the country. It must speak out more strongly to protect these people and warn the coup against the further criminalization and repression of the opposition.
For More Information:
Honduran Rural Leader Rafael Alegria: "Some Battalions Are Refusing to Repress the Population"
Text of UN Resolution and Call for International Support from Popular Resistance Front of Honduras
Zelaya Postpones Return, Mass Mobilization in the Country
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