Third Stage of Operation Crack the Coup: Popular Mobilization

In an interview yesterday, I described the three stages of the coup so far. Stage one began with the immediate response of the international diplomatic community in condemning the coup d'etat in Honduras and supporting the immediate return of President Manuel Zelaya. Zelaya appeared before the Organization of American States, the United Nations, Central American and South American integration groups and received universal backing.

Many of us thought that this unanimous condemnation could break the coup, especially when the colossal of the north, the United States, weighed in against it. How long could the coup leaders last, iced out of the international system?

The answer turned out to be much longer than we expected and way longer than we hoped. The coup has gone into its second month. Either the diplomatic sanctions were not strict enough or the coup leaders have hidden sources of support that have led them to believe they can buck the rest of the world.

Both of these explanations are demonstrably true, and we can add to that a high dose of delusional thinking on the part of de facto regime that does not seem to understand its own dilemma. As documented here before, international rightwing forces have backed the fall of Zelaya since before the coup and continue to provide expertise and likely considerable financial resources. U.S. so-called "democracy promotion" programs including the National Endowment for Democracy, USAID and the International Republican Institute have also funneled large amounts of cash to Zelaya opponents. The Honduran oligarchy controls a huge percentage of national wealth and now has exclusive control over the national budget. Given the high degree of corruption in the country as a whole, it probably has some more shady sources as well but that remains on the docket for further investigation.

Sanctions by the U.S. government have so far touched only a small percentage of aid to Honduras and although joint military operations have been cut off, the School of Americas Watch reports that the school continues to train Hondurans and there have been no changes in operations at the Palmerola military base where the U.S. has military personnel. Freezing assets of coup members or applying trade sanctions have not even been discussed openly.

The second stage was the mediation promoted by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and led by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias. This stage has ended in failure as well. After Arias proposed a seven-point plan, the coup rejected the main point of Zelaya´s return. The coup announced that it would come back with an answer on Monday. Dilatory practices that end in more refusals have been standard coup behavior since the talks began.

Moreover, Zelaya´s return to office is not the only issue in mediation. There exists the problem that the State Department seems to favor a plan that will curtail the constitutional powers of the president.

Amb. Robert White, president of the Center for International Policy, writes,

"President Mel Zelaya is right to refuse to be delivered back to his presidential chair, trussed and bound like a capon, an impotent symbol of a democratic façade."

"If Secretary of State Clinton permits the coup regime to impose conditions on the return of the constitutional president, then she damages, perhaps irreparably, the OAS, and breaks faith with Oscar Arias who thought he had her unequivocal backing."

Americas Program on-the-ground writer in Honduras, Dick Emanuelsson just sent in a long report on the current situation in Honduras that combines interviews and eye-witness descriptions, history and analysis, and an understanding of the country that comes with years of living in Tegucigalpa and reporting for news agencies throughout the world on that troubled corner of the earth. We are currently translating it in its entirety for these pages.

Here is part of an interview with Marvin Ponce, congressional representative of the Democratic Unification Party and a member of the delegation that Zelaya selected for the dialogue in Costa Rica with Arias. Ponce met with State Department officials in Washington. Here he expresses his lack of faith in Arias and the mediation process.

“Oscar Arias is an enemy of social movements and has played a sad role by dragging out the process and proposing an agenda of seven points even though he is not a negotiator and even discarding the popular consultation, which was the reason for the coup...”,

"They (the coup leaders) have the arms—not only the military but also the communications media. We have broken the media blockade of the right and the groups in power, and you can see how the people have been mobilizing all this time without giving in.”

"We went to Washington to demand a stronger role of the United States that practically displaced the OAS; it took over the process and took it to Central America and to Arias where it became a sterile dialogue, meant to go on and on to wear out the president, the citizenry and give more force to the coup and practically converted the coup into a valid counterpart. The biggest mistake of the president was to sit down and dialogue with the coup. However, he believed that after talking with Hillary Clinton everything would end in two or three days because the mediation would have been an ultimatum to the coup to give up power."

“The first meeting with Arias was a failure. The second also, and the third brought in this other agenda. The coup leaders now say that they are taking the proposal to the national congress and the Supreme Court to consult—this is a bureaucratic way of buying time. Now the Obama administration is telling Zelaya not to go to Tegucigalpa but to Washington. The U.S. is playing a sorry role and in the end is playing to the coup because they do not want a concrete solution to the problem."

“When we were in Washington, the representative in charge of Central America in the State Department told us that they were doing a legal study to decide whether or not there was a coup in Honduras. That's why we say that the people do not want to submit to national or international coup supporters.”

Ponce believes the mediation is weakening regional efforts at ending the coup.

"The Secretary General of the OAS, Jorge Miguel Insulza, arrived in Tegucigalpa the third day of the coup just to advise the coup leaders that they had to give up power to the ousted president Zelaya. Now he has a low profile and suggests that Zelaya should not go back to his own country, in recognition of the Costa Rica agenda."

Honduran social organizations have rejected the failed mediation and we have entered the third stage of the drama, where growing popular resistance faces off with increasing repression. The potential for more violence grows each day, as shown in the terrible attack on demonstrators in El Durazno, Tegucigalpa yesterday (see photo).

This doesn't mean that other stages are closed off completely. Latin American organizations have begun efforts to increase pressures. Members of the Mexican Congress called on President Felipe Calderon, who is the current president of the Rio Group, to call a meeting of that group to step up pressure. But he too has bought into the failed mediation and refused .

Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic Policy research, writing for the Guardian says,

"Latin America gave Washington a chance to use its influence with the Honduran elite to restore democracy there. It didn't work. Now it is Latin America's turn to take the lead. Hopefully, Washington will follow."

Perhaps it will be a combination of renewed diplomatic efforts and the popular movement that finally restores constitutional order in Honduras. For now, the latter is on the forefront and deserves total international support for its efforts to end the impasse before more people are killed and wounded by a coup desperate to retain power gained against all conventions of international law and human decency.

Armed Police Infiltrate Funeral of Murdered Zelaya Supporter, Human Rights Abuses Mount in Desperate Attempt to Repress Popular Uprising

* Burial interrupted by capture of armed police infiltrators
* Violence avoided by movement leaders
* Bomb explosion in the region, no wounded
* Border zone completely militarized
* Zelaya calls on U.S. to freeze assets and cancel visas of coup leaders

Honduras' military coup has murdered two demonstrators in the border area of Honduras, federal congressman Cesar Ham reported on Jul 25. The human rights organization, the Committee of Families of the Disappeared in Honduras (COFADEH) and other sources report that the body of Pedro Mandiel Muñoz was found with signs of torture following his arrest by coup security forces in Alauca, near the Nicaraguan border. Supporters of President Zelaya´s return are gathering there despite a military state of siege in the region. The organization notes that this brings the tally to six confirmed assassinations of Zelaya supporters.

As I am listening to the live transmission of the funeral over Radio Globo, the scene turns from somber to mayhem. The Radio Globo reporter at the funeral begins to run from the scene. The crowd has identified and captured armed police infiltrators, interrupting the burial. The fear in the voices is palpable. Radio Globo is calling for people to avoid violence despite the pain and rage, to deliver the police to justice. They report that a third police infiltrator has been captured. All you can hear is shouting as some seek to attack the infiltrators. Rafael Alegria exhorts to the crowd, "Our movement is peaceful... Do not attack them. We are going to remove them and deliver them to justice."

The police infiltrators have been taken into custody and disarmed. Alegria gives the names and says that the police are from the Direction of Criminal Investigations. "Who would send them into a burial when the people are already indignant..?", he says. "Our movement has proved that it is completely peaceful. We are protecting them so the people will not mistreat them even though we do not receive this treatment. This is a humane movement."

Alegria continues. "This is a direct provocation of the movement... We don't want any kind of confrontation."

Listening to the direct transmission, it is one of the most moving broadcasts I have heard. The reporters and interviewees are out of breath, and the calm voice of Rafael Alegria comes across, controlling the situation. Imagine the scene to get an idea of what this movement has accomplished at this very moment—in the burial service of a murdered countryman, they are forced to flee, leaving the coffin unburied, when armed police infiltrators are discovered. There is clear potential for a lynching. And it is controlled by experienced, committed, non-violent leaders that have the full respect of the people.

As Zelaya prepares to re-enter the country from Nicaragua, the entire zone is under 24-hour-a-day curfew and convoys of supporters have been blocked at over twenty checkpoints between Tegucigalpa and the border. AP reports,

"The Honduran armed forces, under orders from the de facto government, block the advance of Hondurans attempting to reach the border to meet Zelaya. The highways are infested with checkpoints and barricades. Some groups have evaded the checkpoints to reach their destination."

Many people, including Rep. Ham, have taken up the journey on foot. Radio Globo reports between three and five thousand supporters are gathered near the border.

Alegria himself was a victim of this repression just Saturday when the coup arrested him near Danli, despite cautionary measures issued for his safety by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. He was detained and then released due to pressure from the national and international community.

Desperation and Resistance
Alegria's arrest is emblematic of the attacks on movement leaders by a coup desperate to maintain power in the face of a popular uprising for a return to democracy. As a national leader and former International Secretary of Via Campesina, he coordinates growing global opposition to the coup and represents the determination to continue to oppose the military coup of thousands of Hondurans despite mounting risks. For the armed forces to detain a prominent national and international leader who was engaged in non-violent, unarmed protest and the exercise of freedom of expression and freedom of movement demonstrates the true face of the group of army and political leaders who simultaneously seek to convince the international community of the "legality" of their cause.

Alegria's arrest also demonstrates the hypocrisy of the coup's participation in mediation efforts led by President Oscar Arias in Costa Rica. He participated as a civil society member of the Zelaya delegation before talks broke down and he returned to rejoin the movement in Honduras.

Those talks have failed given the refusal of the coup to agree to the return of Zelaya. Representatives of the Armed Forces were in Washington on a lobbying tour at the same time the protester was killed on the border. Some media including an article by the New York Times reported that the Honduran army is ready to accept the San Jose accords proposed by President Arias in Costa Rica. The actual communique is not that clear—the first point notes it's subordination to the coup leaders who have rejected the terms of the San José proposal. It lists the following points:

1. The Armed Forces are respectful of the Constitution and the Laws, for which we reaffirm our subordination to the civil authority in consequence with the principles of legality and obedience.
2. As an institution we support a solution to the problem in our country through a negotiation process in the framework of the San José Accords. Likewise, we reiterate our unconditional support for the results, in conformance with our Constitution and Laws.
3. The Armed Forces as a national institution complies with and will continue to comply with the missions that are mandated in the Constitution and Laws of the Republic.

The declaration does not say that the Armed Forces support the San José Accords. It says the Armed Forces support a stalled process of negotiation that has been blocked by the coup government they affirm allegiance to. It supports a stalemate that is leading to the prolongation of the illegal coup government and the murder of innocent Hondurans. It is also remarkable that the Armed Forces claim to comply with the laws when the state of siege they are implementing throughout the country clearly violates the Honduran Constitution.

The only real sign of softening from the Army came in an interview with Gen. Romeo Vasquez who said that the armed forces "cannot fire on our people."

Pro-democracy forces are not so sure, given the deaths so far. They also reported a bomb explosion near the site of the funeral that fortunately did not wound any of the thousands of supporters who had already left for the burial. Juan Barahona told Radio Globo, "The only ones responsible for this are the police." He added that "This is part of the repression against Hondurans so they will not participate in the struggle against the coup... But tomorrow there will be more resistance, we are not going to abandon this struggle. We are going to take more security measures."

Radio Globo also broadcast testimonies from among the 55 men and 25 women arrested yesterday morning in the militarized border zone. They reported being beaten and humiliated by security forces, with several women reported being stripped naked. In Tegucigalpa, individuals gathered to form a caravan of humanitarian aid to the border area denounced an unmarked car that was making regular rounds and pointing a rifle at the crowd.

As things heat up and the movement grows stronger and more determined, Washington remains silent except to scold Zelaya and call for a return to talks that are not happening. Rightwing members of Congress led by Florida Rep. Connie Mack arrived in Honduras to implicitly recognize the illegal coup. These members have broken with the mandate of official U.S. government resolutions in the U.N. and the OAS to denounce and refuse to recognize the coup and support the immediate return of President Zelaya. Their visit is a rogue act and should be roundly condemned by the U.S. Congress and the Obama administration.

Lawyer Carlos Montoya stated on Radio Globo that the Miami-based right seeks to undermine the position of President Obama and is using Honduras as a "guinea pig" for actions to block pro-democracy movements in the hemisphere. "This coup creates a terrible precedent for the world... In what conditions does this leave countries with recently elected presidents, like El Salvador, or African countries in processes of democratization? Obama will not tolerate a regression in democratization of the world."

Zelaya called for President Obama to cancel visas and freeze assets of coup leaders. The individuals mentioned include Roberto Micheletti, Chief of the Armed Forces General Romeo Vásquez Velázquez, Army Commander General Miguel Ángel García Padget, Naval Commander Juan Pablo Rodríguez, Attorney General Luis Alberto Rubí and Rosa América Miranda. He also expressed faith that the position of U.S. Sec. of State Hillary Clinton is a result of a lack of information rather than support of the coup. Reuters reports Zelaya's remarks:

"I think she has to be given the correct information so that she comes to see what is happening in Honduras and her words are to complain about the coup leaders, not the heroic people that are resisting and accompanying me so that things return to normal," he said.

Given the rise in deaths, threats and human rights abuses, the situation cannot be allowed to continue. Honduran grassroots organizations have demonstrated their commitment to non-violence and their determination not to give up. They have asked the U.S. government to cut off the coup before more people are killed. The United States must respond immediately to their pleas.

A Military Coup is Violence; A President's Return is Restoration of Constitutional Order

The capacity of the press and politicians to twist reality never ceases to amaze. In recent days, powerful interests in both these camps have attempted to spin Honduran President Manuel Zelaya's planned return to his homeland as a provocation of violence for which he, and only he, will be responsible.

Why would there be violence if an elected president returned to the country he governs?

Those who are carefully preparing the script to exonerate acts of the coup and blame the president and the Hondurans who accompany him for any violence the Armed Forces should inflict on them are hoping we have already forgotten that part. The June 28 military coup forcibly exiled President Zelaya to Costa Rica, setting him on a 27-day peregrination to every major international forum in the hemisphere. He has garnered a long list of resolutions and declarations calling for his immediate reinstatement, representing unanimity among the nations of the world to support his return.

As Zelaya prepares to enter Honduras from Nicaragua, thousands of supporters are gathering at the border to receive him. They carry no arms and have proven over the past weeks their commitment to non-violence, even when under lethal attack by soldiers. They have had to scrounge up the money to make the trip in a nation where 70% of the population lives in poverty. They have had to pass military checkpoints established to restrict freedom of movement, where they are harassed and the tires of their rickety buses are shot out.

The U.S. State Department has been dodging the application of stricter sanctions and calling for commitment to the mediation process despite its evident breakdown. Secretary of State Clinton and State Department spokespersons have said the United States does not support Zelaya's return. Phillip Crowley went on to imply that Zelaya would be responsible for violence should he decide to return. In response to a direct question regarding the president's return, he replied "Any step that would add to the risk of violence in Honduras or in the area, we think would be unwise."

The Coup's Monopoly Hold on Violence

Violence doesn't just materialize in a given situation. There are those who perpetrate it and those who suffer the brunt of it. Each individual makes a personal decision and bears a personal responsibility. Zelaya recognized that in appealing to Honduran soldiers serving the coup:

"I also want to address the Honduran army," he said from the Nicaragua border yesterday. "Dear Honduran soldiers, do not point your rifles against the representative of the people, against the people. Those rifles are meant to defend the people, not attack the people." Zelaya stated that his side will cross with "the flag of peace."

In fact, the violence in Honduras since the coup is remarkably one-side. There is not one case of security forces killed by protesters. The International Human Rights Observation Mission in Honduras released a report this week documenting five murders of opposition members by coup security or irregular forces. The report cites paramilitary activities, threats, the suspension of civil liberties, arbitrary deportations, threats and attacks on media outlets, and a lack of effective recourse for the protection and exercise of human rights in the country. It concludes, "The International Mission corroborated the existence of grave and systematic violations of human rights since the coup d'etat." The report recommends a series of trade and diplomatic sanctions.

The Perils of Playing the Waiting Game

The shadow of the military coup has been cast throughout the entire country. There's a sunset curfew in place along the frontier lands where Zelaya plans to cross the border. No man, woman or child is allowed in the streets after six o'clock. In this situation, it is understandable why Hondurans have lost patience with the mediation process.

Meanwhile, the U.S. State Department has insisted that Zelaya wait out a stalled mediation process led by President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica. Zelaya attended the first round, when coup leader Roberto Micheletti packed up his cards and went home, blocking any possible agreement. At the second round last weekend, Zelaya delegates agreed in principle to an Arias proposal and the coup once again vetoed it. On Wednesday, Arias made yet another proposal. The main point—the return of Zelaya to power—was rejected again in statements yesterday by the de facto foreign ministry.

Reuters reports that although the latest proposal is supposedly being examined by the de facto regime, its foreign minister Carlos Lopez, said Zelaya's return was "not negotiable." The coup has vowed to arrest Zelaya if he enters his country.

Lopez added, "It is not the talks that failed, but the proposal." The distinction is patently absurd, since the return of Zelaya has always been the first prerequisite for a solution in the talks and is contained in every international resolution on the conflict.

This has even Arias, who has tried to appear optimistic about the mediation, exasperated. He said on Wednesday "It [the coup] is completely isolated. They have become the North Korea or the Albania of Central America," and said it was time for them to compromise.

So what exactly should the world be waiting for? And why should it leave the timing for the restoration of democracy left in the hands of the same coup leaders who shattered it in the first place?

This not only does not make sense, it is extremely dangerous. Every day that goes by, shows signs of the consolidation of the criminal right. The coup has presumably spent millions of dollars (lobbyists like Lanny Davis don't come cheap) in public relations to influence Congress and public opinion but probably even more importantly to galvanize rightwing and business support.

Now Republican congressman Connie Mack has stated he will be leading a delegation to Honduras to talk directly with the Honduran "government." He reiterated that he does not believe the expulsion of President Zelaya was the result of a coup d'etat. A small group in the U.S. Congress has been working hard to push against the consensus of the international community to assert the supposed legitimacy of the coup. The press reports that coup leaders met with rightwing President Uribe in Colombia to build alliances. The Colombian government later denied reports that it had offered its support.

The situation grows more volatile, not because of Zelaya's planned return but because each day is another day of confrontation, another day of military rule, another day of human rights violations. Both sides are growing in strength and growing in determination. In this context, the sooner Zelaya is restored to power, the better.

For More Information:

The Criminal Right and the Obama Ultimatum (Jul 13, 2009)
http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2009/07/criminal-right-in-honduras-and-obama.html

Mediation Hopes Slip as Coup Leader Returns to Honduras (Jul 10, 2009)
http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2009/07/mediation-hopes-slip-as-coup-leader.html

Clinton Announces Mediation of Honduras Conflict, Zelaya Says Talks to "Plan Withdrawal of the Coup" (Jul 7, 2009)
http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2009/07/clinton-announces-arias-to-mediate.html

Breakdown of Mediation Means More Pressure for U.S. to Act

• Coup rejects proposal that includes return of Zelaya
• Zelaya to return to Honduras on Friday, supporters prepare reception
• Clinton calls Micheletti to warn of “potential consequences”
• European Union suspends aid to Honduras
• Honduran “Feminists in Resistance” convokes demonstrations at U.S. embassies throughout the world

Last weekend, President Oscar Arias presented a seven-point mediation plan to representatives of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya and the regime installed by a military coup last Jun 28. The plan included the return of Zelaya to carry out his term in office, formation of a coalition government, elections held a month earlier than scheduled, and amnesty for political crimes, among other points.

Showing great flexibility, the legal government, whose claim to power is supported by international law, democratic practice, the OAS and the UN, agreed “in principle” to the proposal.

The coup, led by Roberto Micheletti, replied with a flat-out “no”. The press reported that Carlos Lopez of the coup delegation announced, "I'm very sorry, but the proposal you presented [is] unacceptable to the government of Honduras that I represent."

The intransigence of the coup placed the nail in the coffin of efforts to mediate the conflict. On Sunday Zelaya called the talks “exhausted” and deemed the attitude of the Micheletti delegation “arrogant” and “disrespectful.” Sec. General of the Organization of American States José Insulza responded, “We deeply regret the attitude of Micheletti.” Insulza has led diplomatic efforts to return constitutional order in the country and reinstate Zelaya without bloodshed.

Although Arias has said he wants to continue with mediation, Zelaya has announced his return to Honduras this Friday, respecting the 72-hour period Arias requested for a last-ditch attempt at some kind of resolution. The National Front against the Coup called for a nationwide mobilization to receive the president, stating in a communiqué, "With the aim of giving a grand reception to our constitutional president, we call on all the Honduran people to be prepared and organized on this date for a huge march to the meeting at the place and hour to be announced soon.”

Leaders of the grassroots organizations of workers, farmers, teachers and citizens who support his return never had high hopes for the mediation efforts. They questioned the validity of making the coup a recognized counterpart in talks and have given up on the prospect of a mediated solution. Juan Barahona, leader of the Front, said Saturday, “We don’t see any possibilities to arrive at an agreement in the talks in Costa Rica. These talks could just be a way to buy time for the coup to consolidate its power and also to buy time to exhaust the resistance.”

As predicted, the talks fell through and the battle has moved to the streets. Zelaya’s daughter, Pichu, addressed the crowd and made clear the stakes. She defended the Honduran people’s right to democracy and urged the construction of “citizen power” to carry out the constitutional referendum and extend social programs started by her father.

A Two-Prong Strategy in the U.S.

Zelaya called on the international community to strengthen measures against the coup and said after the failure of the talks, “Today the coup leaders have once more insulted the international community, Oscar Arias and the Secretary of the United States, Hillary Clinton, promoter and sponsor (of the talks),” he said.

Clinton has been criticized lately for avoiding calls for the return of Zelaya and placing all the eggs in the basket of mediation. By all rights, she should be furious with the coup for scuttling that effort.

Instead, the State Department issued a milquetoast statement on the talks:

“We commend President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica for his continuing efforts to facilitate a peaceful, negotiated restoration of Honduras's democratic and constitutional order. This weekend's talks produced significant progress, and created a foundation for a possible resolution that adheres to the principles of the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the decisions taken within the Organization of American States (OAS).

We call on the parties to the talks to reflect upon the progress made so far, and to commit themselves to their successful conclusion. At this important juncture, we also call upon the OAS, its member states, and other interested parties to reaffirm their support for the talks facilitated by President Arias, underscore their commitment to the peaceful resolution of political disputes through dialogue, remain mindful of the principles of non-intervention and self-determination, and express their solidarity for the democratic well-being of the Honduran people.”

The declaration is not only weak and vague but also ominous and out of touch. When the international press announces that the coup has shut down talks, the State Department unaccountably refers to “significant progress.” There is no pressure on the coup to relinquish its illegitimate power to the elected president.

Later in a press briefing, spokesperson Phillip Crowley said that behind the scenes there has been some pressure. Asst. Sec. Tom Shannon and Ambassador Llorens had spoken with both sides and with other countries. He also said that Sec. Clinton called Micheletti from New Delhi for the first time and “encouraged him to continue focus on these negotiations and also helped him understand the potential consequences of the failure to take advantage of this mediation.”

Just how much Clinton put the screws to the Micheletti regime was unclear. Crowley said, “I think it was a very tough phone call. However, I think it was – she made clear if the de facto regime needed to be reminded that we seek a restoration of democratic and constitutional order, a peaceful resolution. We do not think that anybody should take any kind of steps that would add to the risk of violence in Honduras, and that we completely support the ongoing Arias mediation… that we need to have a restoration of democratic and constitutional order. We would like to see President Zelaya returned to Honduras, and that we’d like to see a clear path that leads to follow-on elections.”

When asked about sanctions, Crowley said “…in the Secretary’s phone call with Micheletti she reminded him about the consequences for Honduras if they fail to accept the principles that President Arias has laid out, which would – it has a significant impact in terms of aid and consequences, potentially longer-term consequences, for a relationship between Honduras and the United States.”

He also said that the State Department told Zelaya not to return to Honduras in the meantime and mentioned that the OAS was considering a statement in favor of mediation.

The response contrasts with the response of other countries. After talks broke down over the weekend, the European Union today announced the suspension of millions of Euros in financial aid to Honduras, in addition to the withdrawal of their ambassadors in the early days of the coup.

The U.S. government has done neither. For the grassroots organizations fighting against the coup, it is essential that the U.S. back up its words with actions. Barahona stated this weekend, “What we expect is for the United States to comply with the agreement of the OAS, which is for the complete economic and political isolation of the coup and they still aren’t doing it.”

The Honduran organization Feminists in Resistance has called for simultaneous demonstrations in front of U.S. embassies on Jul 22 at 10 A.M. The demands include:

• Condemn the political-military coup against the Honduran State, which was financed by Honduran businessmen and the Latin American and North American ultra-right, promoted by national media corporations, protected by the Ombudsman of Honduras and blessed by the leadership of the Catholic and evangelical churches in the country.


• Unconditional support for the return to constitutional order in Honduras, which means the return of President Manuel Zelaya Rosales a Honduras.


• End to repression of organizations that demonstrate against the coup by police and military units aided by retired military personnel responsible for the disappeared of the decade of the 80s in Honduras.


• End to threats of war, promoted by the de facto regime, which are creating a climate of terror in the Honduran population.


• Suspension of all technical or financial, bilateral or multilateral aid to the de facto regime.


• Condemnation of María Martha Díaz Velásquez, named as head of the National Women´s Institute by the de facto regime and María Antonieta Bustamante, representative of the Inter-American Commission on Women for Honduras, who met us with anti-riot police when we went to demand that they give back our institute. (See a video in Spanish on the violence against women protesters in front of the Institute July 15).

The second part of the strategy involves grassroots actions to keep the issue at the forefront of a crowded national agenda through direct action and support the Honduran people. Tactics include demonstrations, protest actions including a planned convergence on SouthCom headquarters in Florida Jul 25, media and information sharing, and delegations to Honduras. U.S. unions have nearly unanimously condemned the coup and urged actions.

As Arias Proposes Coalition Government, National Front Against the Coup Vows to Keep Up Resistance

• Hondurans continue blockades of major highways to strangle coup
• Juan Barahona, National Front Against the Coup: “We have no hopes for the talks”
• ‘The U.S. position is a double position: publicly, they are against the coup but there is another position that supports it.’
* U.S. should comply with "complete economic and political isolation" of the Honduran coup

The official mediator of the Honduras conflict, President Oscar Arias, further alienated Honduran anti-coup groups by saying he will propose a coalition government and try to disuade elected President Manuel Zelaya from returning to his country. Arias also mentioned offering “amnesties”, although he did not specify for whom or on what terms. With talks scheduled to begin tomorrow, conflicting statements regarding Zelaya’s return, the terms of talks and the positions coup leaders will take make for an uncertain, and unpromising, scenario.

For leaders of the grassroots movements risking their lives to break the coup’s grip on power in their country, the news comes as proof that the mediation holds little prospect of solutions for reinstating the democratically elected president, ousted by the military on June 28.

The Americas Program talked to Juan Barahona, one of the principal founders and leaders of the National Front Against the Coup, to get his response on Arias’ statements in Costa Rica.

Barahona noted that the coup leaders cannot be considered valid counterparts for negotiating terms for the restitution of constitutional law and return of the president. He also rejected any prospect of imposing a cabinet in Honduras.

“The faculty of appointing a cabinet is a constitutional faculty reserved for the president, President Zelaya. He names the cabinet and a cabinet cannot be imposed or conditioned by anyone else. That is just unacceptable,” he said.

Barahona also discarded a negotiation that would include amnesty for politicians and military personnel behind the coup.

“The other aspect that’s unacceptable is to pardon the coup. They have to pay for their crimes of usurpation of power, violation of the constitution, and the deaths of the past days since the coup.” At least four protesters and opposition leaders have been killed by security forces and hit squads.

The organizations leading the peaceful demonstrations that have mounted over the past week have consistently called for plans to continue to hold a vote on a referendum to call a constitutional assembly, the measure that catalyzed the coup.

“The other thing we can’t give up is our right to hold a constitutional assembly,” said Barahona. “That’s a right we have been fighting for over these past days of actions that we won’t give up.”

The constitutional assembly lies at the heart of the differences between the wealthy oligarchy, backed up by the Armed Forces and the farmer, worker and indigenous organizations that look to change the constitution to guarantee a more just distribution of wealth in the sharply unequal nation.

When asked about the future of the talks, Barahona replied,

“We don’t see any possibilities to arrive at an agreement in the talks in Costa Rica. These talks could just be a way to buy time for the coup to consolidate its power and also to buy time to exhaust the resistance. We don’t have any hope for the talks in Costa Rica.”

A major knot in the talks regards the return of President Zelaya to Honduras. Coup leader Roberto Micheletti has stated that he will not be allowed to return to the country.

According to the latest reports, Zelaya said he will return to Honduras within 48 hours if the talks fail. His foreign minister, Patricia Rodas, told the press that Zelaya will soon be on his way back, in his second attempt to enter the country. "The establishment and installation of an alternative seat of government will be to direct what I will call the final battle."

For Barahona and the Front, Zelaya´s return is non-negotiable.

“We want the president to return to Honduras. If there is no agreement, the presence of the president here will strengthen the resistance and alongside him we can recuperate power that was usurped by the coup.”

Barahona reported that the blockades in major highways continue. “We will keep up our resistance. We have roadblocks throughout the country and today we maintained the occupations of highways from Tegucigalpa to San Pedro Sula, from Tegucigalpa toward to south and also the highway to the major port of Puerto Cortes. We also have blockades in Ocotepec and Olancho.”

In recent statements, the U.S. State Department has reverted to calling for a “return to democratic and constitutional order” without mentioning the reinstatement of Zelaya, although when pushed by the press spokesperson on July 14 Ian Kelly did say that restoration of legal order requires the return of Zelaya. This zig-zagging and the lack of firm actions by the U.S. to apply broader sanctions has caused doubts about the government’s position in Honduras. I asked Barahona about the U.S. position.

“The position of the United States is a double position,” he said. “The public position is that they are against the coup. But there is another very different position that supports the coup.”

“What we expect is for the United States to comply with the agreement of the OAS, which is for the complete economic and political isolation of the coup and they still aren’t doing it.”

Human rights and anti-militarization groups in the U.S. have launched campaigns to call for the reinstatement of Zelaya and return to constitutional rule. Barahona noted that the support received from groups in other countries has been critical to the resistance.

“We really need this support, it strengthens us. With the internal resistance and internacional support we can defeat the people who have carried out this coup.”

The Criminal Right and the Obama Ultimatum

This is a video of an anti-Zelaya rally taken just days after the military coup in Honduras and shown on the the coup-run national television channel. It is typical of constant broadcasts from the coup-controlled press that seek to pound into the heads of Hondurans and the world the 1984-ish messages that run along the bottom of the screen in Spanish: "Our government is recognized by all Hondurans," "On to the elections next November!" "We are under a legally constituted government," "Substitution is in our legal norms," "Hondurans on the side of the Constitution," "Honduras has gained democracy."

Never mind that no Constitution in the civilized world, including Honduras', condones Armed Forces kidnapping a democratically elected president. Or that no country would recognize elections staged by a military coup. Or that the majority of Hondurans disagree with the forced exile of Zelaya and hundreds of thousands have hit the street calling for his return. The messages here are standard practice when attempting to justify the unjustifiable.

But this montage of doublespeak begins with an interesting twist. Initiating the rally, the speaker says, "We are not alone. I want to recognize a brave man by the name of Robert Carmona." The crowd, which would be deemed a "mob" by the mainstream press if it were against the coup, cheers wildly.

So who is Robert Carmona?

The man with the anglicized name who has become a hero to the Honduran coup is actually a Venezuelan businessman and lawyer and a veteran of rightwing coups. Carmona is credited with writing the decrees for the short-lived coup d'etat against President Hugo Chavez in April of 2002. The Apr 26, 2002 Miami Herald reports that after that claim to fame he arrived in the US the week of the 15th, where he sought asylum.

Carmona is co-founder of the Arcadia Foundation. The Arcadia Foundation bills itself as an anti-corruption group but its political agenda is up-front. Although it says it works in many countries, the media section lists only Honduras in specific actions.

The foundation launched a campaign in Honduras focused on the telecommunications company Hondutel. In the video Carmona is recognized as "the first to denounce the maneuvers of Hondutel" and thanked for leading to the coup's arrest, the day before, of former head of Hondutel, Marcelo Chimirri. Chimirri is among more than 1,000 people arrested by the regime since the June 28 coup. The campaign was aimed at weakening and ultimately bringing down the Zelaya government and the hat-tip at the rally explicitly revealed its role in the overthrow.

Honduras was finishing up an investigation of Chimirri, charged with accepting kickbacks for re-routing calls through a U.S. private carrier. The Justice Department fined the carrier, LatiNode, in the case.

In the end, armed force proved a faster route than the slow wheels of justice. Regardless of the merits of the case, the politicized nature of Arcadia's anti-corruption offensive was clear from the start. Carmona, along with Otto Reich, charged President Zelaya of complicity. The issue grew so hot that Zelaya threatened to file a defamation claim against Reich.

Otto Reich is another name that has come up repeatedly since the Honduran coup as the man behind the scenes. Although Arcadia has denied a formal affiliation, Reich was intimately involved in Arcadia's anti-corruption charges against the Zelaya government. Honduran government officials note that he was formally featured on the Arcadia site up until Sep 10, 2008 when he was erased from the web page. Reich is infamous for his involvement in the illegal Iran-Contra affair. A 1987 report by the U.S. Comptroller-General, “found that some of the efforts of Mr. Reich’s public diplomacy office were ‘prohibited, covert propaganda activities,’ ‘beyond the range of acceptable agency public information activities….’"

Under fire, Reich felt compelled to pen a guest column in the Miami Herald entitled "I Did Not Orchestrate Coup in Honduras." He spends the entire first half of this article attacking Venezuelan ambassador Roy Chadderton who denounced Reich's involvement in the OAS. He then goes on to say that he would have allowed legal processes to take their course.

Reich does not mention, or deny, his involvement with the Arcadia campaign or say anything about his activities in Honduras. He concludes, "Without my involvement, these steps (the legal charges issued after the coup) were taken. Therefore, under Honduran law, the new government is legal and constitutional. The United States should not betray our values by joining the efforts of some of the most repressive and undemocratic leaders of this hemisphere to seek the reinstatement of lawbreaker Mel Zelaya."

Reich thus contradicts his own title, which calls the events a "coup," and in passing accuses the entire 34-nation Organization of American States that have called for Zelaya's reinstatement "some of the most repressive and undemocratic leaders of this hemisphere."

Carmona and Arcadia's involvement in Honduras did not stop with the coup. Honduran Radio Globo reports that Carmona returned to Honduras after the coup. Luis Galdames, who hosts the radio program Detras de la Noticia, located him at the downtown Plaza Libertador Hotel in Tegucigalpa under a false name. He reportedly was in attendance at the above rally.

Why did Arcadia choose Honduras? A brief review of Carmona's recent writings reveals his abhorrence of progressive governments in Latin America and his broad political agenda to defeat them. Most recently he published a piece against the Feb 2009 referendum to lift term limits, saying "The regime (of Hugo Chavez) is desperate, faced with its eventual defeat next Feb 15. Venezuelans no longer believe in the revolutionary farce, in the equality it professes, in Chavez's participatory democracy. Only its beneficiaries and collaborators, some who scarcely believe in it themselves, accompany this destructive project in Venezuela." The referendum passed easily with 54% of the vote.

Carmona also campaigned heavily against the election of Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, comparing him to Chavez and calling him a wolf in sheep's clothing.

This string of failures in popular elections no doubt soured Carmona on the popular will. After exhorting, "The utter failure of populist regimes in the region dangerously opens up a new stage in the political history of the region. Let us hope that the people react in a more civilized manner than their political leaders and find a path that guarantees peace and stability in new societies", it has been the people who have continued to vote for candidates and measures calling for more equitable distribution of wealth and participatory measures like the constitutional referendum proposed in Honduras.

I attempted to reach Arcadia to find out its position on the Honduran coup and ask about the Reich connection and the recent activities of Carmona. The Washington and Mexico City offices answered with a cheery recording on the foundation's fight against corruption but then routed the call to voice mail with no human intervention. The New York office recording replied that it does not receive anonymous callers.

The Weakest Lamb in the Flock

Arcadia picked Honduras to block the spread of "populism" by pushing for the fall of Zelaya. It picked Honduras because of its failures in other countries and because Honduras is a small, poor nation with a somewhat erratic president with a low approval rating and weak institutions. In other words, the international right picked Honduras because it was the weakest lamb in the flock.

The coup has consistently portrayed Zelaya as a tool of Hugo Chavez—you see more anti-Chavez signs than anti-Zelaya signs in the video. Coup leaders have developed a message that hides the aspirations of the Honduran poor (70% of the population) for a more fair and equal society. The desperate move to block the vote-on-a-vote over a constitutional assembly reflected their deep suspicion that it would win.

Honduras is a land of deep contradictions where an oligarchy has attempted to destroy logic through the force of repetition. Logic and basic human rights dictate that something has to give in the economic model. No society would be considered viable for long where the top 10% of the population earns 42% of the income, the free-zone wage is 63 cents an hour and more than 10% of its population has been forced to migrate to the United States. A population forced to live under those conditions cannot be called free. Whether or not you agree with what Zelaya did or how he did it, his overwhelming support among poor people demonstrates that he was attempting to take steps toward increasing their wellbeing.

That invariably comes at the price of the haves vs. the have-nots. And that's why Honduras has become a battleground for the international right—to preserve the privileges of the haves. Today the critical battle on that battlefield is to defeat the coup in the name of law and democracy; it bears repeating--a military coup cannot be tolerated in our Hemisphere or anywhere else on the planet.

But the coup would not exist if it weren't for the battle against entrenched interests and for greater equality.

The U.S. Must Choose Sides

Ironically, as coup supporters scream "Whoever doesn't wave the flag is Venezuelan" at their rallies (did Carmona wave his flag, or not?), they have received significant outside help from the Venezuelan and U.S. right and other well-funded and organized rightwing organizations that will emerge as we continue to investigate the roots of the coup.

Despite the involvement of former U.S. diplomat Otto Reich, if the international campaign against the elected government of Zelaya were entirely run and carried out by private organizations like Arcadia, there would be little room for citizens to pressure the U.S. government. The revolving door that permits former diplomats like Reich to use contacts and inside information to carry out political agendas after leaving office, is an established and regrettable pillar of U.S. politics.

But unfortunately, efforts to topple the Honduran government do not end with Arcadia and raise questions about the involvement of U.S. government agencies. These are the opaque "democracy promotion" programs, in particular the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) that in turn channels funds to other government-affiliated and non-government organizations in Honduras and the U.S.

According to NED reports the International Republican Institute (IRI) received $550,000 "To promote and enhance the participation of think tanks in Mexico and Honduras as 'pressure groups' to impel political parties to develop concrete positions on key issues. Once these positions are developed, IRI will support initiatives to implement said positions into the 2009 campaigns. IRI will place special emphasis on Honduras, which has scheduled presidential and parliamentary elections in November 2009."

Under another NED grant, IRI received another $400,000 to "equip elected officials with practical institutional management skills" in Honduras, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic.

Obviously these "positions on key issues" are not politically neutral and represent U.S. interests, and yet the IRI does not specify to taxpayers what they are or whose U.S. interests they represent. Nor does it specify the criteria for selection of elected local officials within the country. Many of the groups who have reportedly received these funds now form part of the coalition supporting the coup. Similar programs were found to favor local governments rising up against the government of Evo Morales in Bolivia.

What little we know of these programs does not prove by itself U.S. government instigation of the coup. But in terms of self-determination and democracy, they constitute a reprehensible form of intervention, as well as being notoriously secretive with public funds.

It is no coincidence that Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen, strongly anti-Castro and ranking Republican on the house Foreign Affairs Committee, proposed an amendment to cut funding to the OAS for "its knee-jerk support of Manuel Zelaya" and transfer the $15 million to NED. The ideological bent of the institution is demonstrable and virtually undisputed.

The indigenous organization OFRANEH made these links in a recent communiqué:

"If a total economic blockade is not established against the de facto government, the polarization of the country will continue, promoted by the existing disinformation and the clamor of groups close to the most feudal sectors of the country. From the churches to the business groups to the shrunken middle class, the effects of the work of NED and the USAID can be felt in the country. For the OFRANEH, it is urgent that the Obama administration stop the work of intelligence agencies dedicated to destabilization and disinformation since they seek to create conflict between groups supporting the coup and the defenders of democracy. The government of the United States will be directly responsible for any bloodshed."

The U.S. government, including the Obama administration, has said it does not agree with Zelaya's policies. The Bush administration sought to isolate and undermine ALBA countries and center-left governments throughout its tenure. At stake was not so much an economic model in the abstract but the powerful interests of transnational corporations and national elites.

In Russia, Obama made a strong statement on the Honduran coup saying that self-determination is a principle that should be defended regardless of political differences. The U.S. government took strong steps early on to join with the international community to condemn the coup and call for the reinstatement of Zelaya. That hasn't worked. The attempt to pass the matter on to mediation has not worked either.

President Zelaya has issued an ultimatum saying he will consider the talks failed unless he is reinstated in the next meeting. The Obama administration also faces an ultimatum, this one from the international community and Hondurans putting their lives on the line in an attempt to restore their democracy: be consistent in upholding principles above shady interests or the attempt to build a new, respectful foreign policy will be considered hypocrisy.

In the short term this means:
1. Issuing the definition of the coup as a coup and suspending remaining aid as stipulated by law;
2. Removing Ambassador Hugo Llorens. In the strict sense, the Bush-era ambassador should not merely be withdrawn in line with the withdrawal of other ambassadors to the country but should be fired. At best, he was inept in avoiding the coup; at worst, he didn't really try.
3. Assuring the safe and immediate return of President Zelaya.

In the longer term, a public review of "democracy promotion" programs like NED and IRI forms part of the urgent need to coordinate a new consistent foreign policy in the region that will demonstrate the primacy of diplomacy and the principles of non-intervention and self-determination.

Mediation Hopes Slip as Coup Leader Returns to Honduras

• Arias lays down terms: it is a coup d’etat, Zelaya must be restored to power
• Micheletti returns to Tegucigalpa, spurning direct participation
• Commissions set up on both sides to continue mediation process
• Future of talks depends on coup
• Members of U.S. Congress to present bill for suspension of aid

Following the first day of mediation in Costa Rica, President Manuel Zelaya, coup leader Roberto Micheletti and mediator Oscar Arias all appeared before the press to downplay what was clearly a setback for hopes of a timely solution to the Honduran stand-off.

Zelaya and Micheletti did not meet yesterday, although both were present in San Jose. Instead each met separately with Costa Rican President Arias. Then in an unexpected move, Micheletti announced he was returning immediately to Honduras, placing in doubt the future of any direct talks. He later stated vaguely that “he might return if necessary.”

Micheletti could not have been heartened by his prospects in this initial round of talks. In a definition of terms from the outset, Arias stated firmly yesterday that Honduras had suffered a coup d’etat, discarding Micheletti’s arguments that the destitution and exile of President Zelaya responded to legal processes.

At the Thursday press conference, Arias reminded observers that he was among the first heads of state to denounce the coup. Recalling an early scene in the coup drama that has now gone into its second week, he said, “I recognized it [as a coup d’etat] the same day it happened and called for the restoration of President Zelaya.” Zelaya was flown to Costa Rica Jun 28 by the rebel Air Force, where he appeared shortly after arriving in a press conference with Arias while still wearing his pajamas.

In laying out the parameters of the dialogue, Arias also said any proposal that bypassed restoring Zelaya to power was practically off the table. “It is very difficult to talk about a successful negotiation that doesn’t include the restitution of President Zelaya.”

OAS Secretary General Jose Insulza, who has spearheaded diplomatic efforts up to now but is not taking part in the mediation, left no doubt about the minimal requirement for a successful negotiation. Also in a televised press conference, he cited the OAS resolution calling for Zelaya’s restitution and issued a dire warning that if the Honduran coup is allowed to persist, “it could open the door to more coup d’etats in the region.”

Zelaya also called for "the re-establishment of the state of law, democracy and the return of the president elected by the Honduran people," a position he has maintained consistently throughout the conflict.

With the odds stacked against him, Micheletti dug in, saying that Zelaya’s return to power would not even be considered. "The topic not open to discussion is the return of ex-President Zelaya, unless he hands himself over to justice.”

Last night, Arias appeared tired but committed to further dialogue. After the day’s events, he cautioned against high expectations. "Dialogue can produce miracles but not immediate ones. This could take much longer than one might have imagined."

The mediator indicated that the sides will begin to analyze less diametrically opposed issues, leaving the controversial point of Zelaya’s return to last. "My recommendation is that we advance where it is easy and leave the most difficult point for the end," he told the press.

While both sides claim to have a commitment to the mediation and have appointed their respective commissions to continue talks, it is now difficult to imagine what progress can be made. The commissions cannot resolve the core issue and according to a CNN report filed before Micheletti boarded a plane to Honduras, “A talked-about third round, a meeting between Micheletti and Zelaya, was put in doubt by Micheletti's planned departure.”

Coup Will Decide Success or Failure of Talks

As expected in light of both OAS and UN resolutions to condemn the coup, the premises for the talks proved unfavorable to Micheletti’s hopes to consolidate his position as “president” until the November elections. It is therefore not surprising that he decided to return to his bastion of power in the Central American nation still occupied by the Armed Forces rather than expose his position to a mediation process that considers his claim to power illegitimate.

Reading from a prepared statement, Micheletti offered five points to the press, without divulging the contents of his three-hour meeting with Arias. He restated his argument that “no-one is above the law”, referring to legal claims against Zelaya; affirmed that elections will be held in November, promised that the electoral process would be “transparent and secure”, reiterated that at stake was the presidency and other posts, and designated a working group to carry on the discussions in San Jose.

In emphasizing the planned Nov 29 elections, Micheletti seemed to imply that his de facto regime would be overseeing the regularly scheduled elections. He did not mention putting up the date of the elections, a proposal that some U.S. intellectuals and others had assumed was the fallback position of the coup.

Because the mediator and multilateral organizations have established the return of Zelaya to power as a precondition for dialogue, the only way for the talks on Honduras to succeed is for coup leaders to back down. The ball is in their court.

But instead of returning the serve, Roberto Micheletti appeared to pocket the ball and run home with it yesterday. By leaving the talks and going back to the nation that has been held by the Armed Forces since Jun 28, Micheletti once more sends a message to the world that force trumps diplomacy. The physical act of going home is precisely what his counterpart—elected president Manuel Zelaya—cannot do ever since the Armed Forces exiled him and installed Micheletti in power.

With the mediation kicked down a notch to a meeting between commissions, Zelaya has embarked again on his peripatetic travels across the region. Today he flew to the Dominican Republic where he received state honors from President Leonel Fernandez, according to news reports.

Talks continue today in San Jose. At the same time, many fear an impasse already in the early stages of dialogue. The question is: if coup leaders hold the cards to success, what more can be done to pressure them toward a legal solution?

Although the all-important U.S. government has not cut off all aid to the coup yet, international economic sanctions are piling up. The World Bank, IMF and Inter-American Development Bank have frozen loans to Honduras under the coup. The U.S. announced a new cut-off of $16.5 million in military aid and the US Embassy in Honduras also warned that an additional $180 million is at risk. There are still many more pockets of U.S. aid that could be suspended, including security aid under the Merida Initiative, $100 million in a Millennium Challenge grant, and $42 million in development aid.

With a wait-and-see attitude still prevailing in the State Department on aid cut-off, members of Congress plan to present a bill today sponsored by Reps. Delahunt and McGovern “condemning the June 28, 2009 coup d’état in Honduras, calling for the reinstatement of President Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and for other purposes.”

The bill:

1) Condemns the June 28, 2009 coup d’état in Honduras and refuses to recognize the de facto Micheletti government installed by that coup d’état;

2) Calls on the Obama Administration to continue to refuse to recognize the de facto Micheletti government;

3) Calls for the reinstatement of President Zelaya as President of Honduras;

4) Urges the Obama Administration to suspend non-humanitarian assistance to the de facto
Micheletti government as required by U.S. law and as it deems necessary to compel the return of President Zelaya to office;

5) Calls for extensive international observation of the November 2009 elections once President Zelaya is returned to office to ensure that his successor is elected freely, fairly, and transparently.

6) Welcomes the mediation of Costa Rican President Oscar Arias and encourages the Obama Administration to provide any assistance President Arias requests in his efforts.

Several Republicans, including Florida Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen , the top Republican on the House Foreign Affairs Committee , have asked the State Department to restore aid.

There is no doubt that economic sanctions would have an effect on the country and its de facto rulers. Interviewed on Telesur, Honduran Ambassador to the UN Roberto Quesada warned that Honduras was heading for an “economic abyss” due to sanctions against the coup.

“Honduras has been struck by two huge catastrophes,” he said. “Mitch and Micheletti.” Hurricane Mitch hit the country in 1998, causing death and an estimated $3.8 billion dollars in damages.

Despite the hardships that sanctions would imply, more and more members of Honduran human rights organizations, the Zelaya government and the international community are speaking up in favor of sanctions to bring the coup leaders to mediation with viable proposals.

If the U.S. government does not decide at once to back up its positions with stronger consequences, its endorsement of the mediation process will ring hollow in international circles and continue to be ignored by the de facto regime that has entrenched itself against constitutional rule of law in Honduras.