Morales in Mexico

It was a hot afternoon in central Coyoacán and the sun beat down heavily on the crowd as they awaited the appearance of charismatic Bolivian leader, Evo Morales. The public queued patiently and edged slowly into the Jardín Hidalgo, following mandatory security checks that are the norm at events of this nature. As the area filled, the more eager of the spectators began to climb onto the bandstand, trees and fences, to get a glimpse of their hero. The smaller members of the audience stood on their tiptoes in preparation for the Bolivian leader’s arrival. A scuffle broke out in the crowd, and the two perpetrators were comically berated by onlookers who reminded them that, “We are socialists, not neocons! Keep the peace.” To warm up the crowd, an M.C. read out some of Evo’s achievements since he began his presidency in 2006. Evo Morales has made Bolivia a literate nation. In 2008, during the financial crisis, Bolivia’s GDP increased by 6%. Evo has successfully nationalized the nation’s gas reserves. He also intermittently entered the stage to give updates on Evo’s whereabouts. “He’s leaving the airport now!” Cheers from the crowd. “His car’s just arrived!” Cheers again. “He’s making his way through the crowd! Yet more cheers.

The crowd erupted as Morales took to the stage and began his speech. He greeted the crowd in Spanish and then in his native indigenous tongue. He expressed surprise at the size of the crowd, commenting that he thought he could only pull a crowd that size in Bolivia. He then apologized for not previously visiting Mexico, saying that he had to concentrate on governing his own country and gaining re-election.

Morales then instructed the crowd on how to match his achievements and earn respect for indigenous people. The president said it was important to move from mere resistance to the taking of power. The first step involves a “fight against all enemies – internal and external.” Step two entails uniting the Left – communists, socialists, etc. – under one banner. The third and final step involves self-belief—believing that you can become a political force.

He then moved on to talk about the Left’s bête noire – the rich. He told the cheering crowd that “basic services are public services and must not be privatized.” The crowd responded by chanting “Calderón out!” recalling their own president’s recent decision to dismiss over 40,000 employees of the state electricity company for the purposes of privatization. Morales’ attack on the upper class continued as he told the crowd that, “There are more of us than these modern millionaires. They have all the wealth but are small in number, whereas we are poor but are the majority.” He told the crowd that these gold-diggers were only interested in exploiting natural resources for their personal financial gain. The crowd listened as Morales spoke of the importance of getting middle-class citizens and intellectuals on side, to fight the oligarchs. Morales spoke of how he had no fear when he nationalized Bolivia’s resources, and he applauded the armed forces for their support during this time. Despite the fear-mongering of many international economists, the president’s policy was vindicated when Bolivia had it first fiscal surplus since 1940.

Morales then spoke of the weight of responsibility that he felt upon becoming president. He told the crowd of the difficulties of being the first indigenous president, candidly revealing that, “I was scared.” Nevertheless, Morales overcame his fear and turned his country from a “wretched and impoverished” nation to a modern state admired by many.

The president then turned his attention to the U.S. He lambasted the U.S. government for its role in the Honduran coup, calling it an “open conspiracy” and chastising the country for failing to end the debacle and reinstate Zelaya. He reminded his audience that there was “a permanent fight against imperialist intervention.” He recounted a story from early in his career, when he was a trade union leader in Cochabamba. There was a U.S. military base in his native city, which was used exclusively by the U.S. ambassador. A locally-elected leader made the mistake of trying to use the airport, but was told by U.S. officials that he needed permission. “Now Comrade Lula uses that airport, and so does Comrade Chavez!” he shouted defiantly, as the crowd reacted rapturously.

To end his speech, the president spoke of the dangers facing the world because of climate change. He invited members of alternative social movements to lobby their politicians and attend his alternative summit on climate change, scheduled for April. Morales told Mexicans that it was up to them to change their country and that this week could be historic. The Rio Group summit, which unites all the Latin American and Caribbean nations and takes place this week in Cancun, has been seen by many leaders as an opportunity to break free from U.S. dominance. “And in what better place would this happen than in the land of Benito Juárez and Emiliano Zapato!” Morales proclaimed, name-checking two heroes from Mexican folklore. His final words struck a note of optimism for the crowd, “Soon Mexico will be free.” As the crowd dispersed into the cool Coyoacán night, many hoped that these words foreshadow better times and that Mexico will share the same fortune currently experienced by their Bolivian brothers.

Michael Collins, February 2010

Ciudad Juárez Descends into Another Circle of Hell

El Paso's troubled twin, Ciudad Juárez, descended into another circle of hell this weekend when hitmen opened fire on a house where teenagers were celebrating a football victory. As of today, sixteen people--mostly youth--have died on the scene or from wounds in the hospital. The community is stunned, the nation shocked, and the phone ringing off the hook with calls from media.

International media have been once again drawn by the images of blood-soaked floors and weeping families, to make the sporadic foray across the border into Cuidad Juarez's morass of violence. The city now holds the world record in homicides per capita, with 2,600 killings last year alone. 2010 stands to be the bloodiest year yet, with 227 assassinations related to organized crime in January alone.

Ciudad Juárez is not only the most violent city in the country, it is also the most militarized. Operation Chihuahua was supposed to be the showcase of President Calderón's "war on drugs". Instead it has become the tragic evidence of a dead-end strategy.

Local residents interviewed in the aftermath of the tragedy called the security forces "useless". Fearing to give their names, they noted that the seven SUVs of heavily armed gunmen entered the neighborhood, hunted down the victims and left after looting the residence, reportedly passing right by a group of soldiers in the vicinity.

“We heard a lot of shots, at first we thought they were bottle rockets, but later we heard the running and the cries of the young girls that were at the party. Then came silence and a strong odor of gunpowder," a witness was reported as saying. Residents say even ten hours after the murders, the crime scene had not been secured.

So far, no-one knows the motive of the crime. The Washington Post reported that Ciudad Juarez mayor Jose Reyes put forward the preposterous hypothesis that the hit was "random."

"There is no logical explanation, a concrete reason for this event. This is something that worries us, gratuitous or random criminal acts," Reyes told MVS Radio. "It goes way beyond what had been happening and puts Ciudad Juarez in even greater danger."

The gunmen arrived in a highly organized commando unit, sporting machine guns. Although undoubtedly innocent people were killed, there is some reason the house was targeted and if experience is any guide we may never know what it was.

One of the students in the house was reportedly a witness recently in a multiple homicide trial involving organized crime. If this is indeed the reason behind the massacre, it raises serious questions about the protection of people who step forward to give information to the authorities.

The Mexican Congress has called for the Secretaries of Defense, the Navy and Public Security, along with the Attorney General to explain their security strategy in the border city and its spectacular failure in light of the most recent killings.

The massacre comes just days after U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Carlos Pascual praised a new strategy in Ciudad Juarez to replace army troops with federal police. "What the government has done now is an intelligent measure to introduce the federal police, which has all the legal capacities, and put them on the front line in the war on against drug-traffickers," he told the Mexican press.

The attack raises questions about the new strategy, which is really a facelift of the old strategy. Experts like General Francisco Gallardo of the Mexican Armed forces, now a human rights leader, note that the difference between the armed forces and the police is often just a change of uniform. Although some groups in Washington have insisted that a shift from army to police represents a major improvement in the drug war strategy, this incident indicates that the violence and impunity of organized crime will continue unabated.

The root problem lies in the militarized enforcement focus of the drug war, supported by the U.S. government through the Merida Initiative. Reduction of demand for illicit drugs, treatment and prevention of addictions, and a concerted attack on the financial structure of organized crime have nearly fallen off the policy map under the current plan.

A story in the Mexican daily El Universal notes that 70% of Merida resources remain in the United States, doled out in contracts for military equipment and intelligence equipment.

As companies like Northrop, Dyncorp and Blackhawk make millions on continuing the war on drugs south of the border, the violence is spiraling out of control.